The Zuni Salt Woman
By Rebecca Schubert

by Rebecca Schubert

The purpose of this study stems from the outstanding amount of attention that has been afforded the Zuni Salt Lake not only recently but for centuries. This area has come to the immediate attention of many people due to its just-discovered monetary value stored in the form of coal. Prior to this knowledge, the region has been revered for its nutritional, ceremonial, cultural, and natural characteristics. In the following pages, these merits will be chronicled, detailed, and exemplified in order to comprehensively construct a thorough understanding of the Salt Lake. From this illustration, it is the author's hope that any reader would garner the ability to make a clear, conscious and informed personal decision regarding the future of this area.

The Salt Lake lies approximately 41 miles to the southeast of Zuni, 37 miles to the east of St. Johns, Arizona, and 18 miles northwest of Quemado. The earth established the geography of the land at least 70 million years before present by volcanic eruption. The lake rests in a remnant cone of this event. It is owned by the United States Bureau of Land Management (BLM), however, in 1985 the deed to the lake was given to the Zuni Pueblo in honor of their sacred pilgrimage to collect salt.

Plog asserts that Paleo-peoples inhabited the periphery of the area from at least 10,000 B.C.E.; thus, it could be asserted that this has been a source of salt since that time. However, the exact year that pre-Puebloan peoples (specifically) began their migrations, taken in comparison to those who preceded the pre-Puebloans, is under scrutiny. Due to the perishability of such early dwellings and artifacts--the inability to remain intact until the common era--the life of these peoples is quite difficult to recreate. The most thorough research might then be a combination of archeological discoveries with the oral histories of Puebloans. In describing the prehistory of the Puebloans, Joe Sando explains:

"Pueblo people themselves rely on the songs of the various societies in tracing the places where their ancestors may have been, as these songs mention various deities who were recognized as the 'honored' ones, or keepers, of a certain area."

The Puebloan oral history describes migrations of peoples from the Mesoamerican civilizations of the Olmec, Toltec, and Maya. Sando asserts this movement to have begun around the year 3400 B.C. Communities were then established in the Four Corners region of New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, and Colorado. Other ethnographers such as Frank Cushing and Walter Eggan refer to the migrations of peoples from the Guaymas and Southern California areas whom also moved into this region.

Additionally, Sando discusses settlements by peoples from the North. These communities of Tanoan peoples built dwellings in the Mesa Verde area. Next, the Keresan peoples settled in the Chaco Canyon, Aztec Ruins, and Bloomfield areas of today. Plog approximates that the first pre-Puebloans inhabited these areas around 100 B.C. Both writers agree that between the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. significant and sizable villages of what are now considered Puebloan peoples existed.

The first important sites where physical evidence of pre-Puebloan people was found dated from about 100 B.C.E to A.D. 400. In the Ackmen and Lowry areas of southwestern Colorado, the northeastern corner of Arizona, and the southeastern region of Utah large quantities of woven straps, aprons, shoes, and baskets have been found. These caves and rock shelters are located on promontory points that overlook the surrounding area. In rudimentary anthropological excavations in the late nineteenth century, Cushing remarked about the skeletal remains of Mesoamerican birds in these cliff dwellings, as well as the architectural similarities between indigenous Mesoamerican homes with those in the Four Corners environs. These uncoverings partner tactile evidence with the oral histories and songs of the Puebloan communities. Thus, when one closely traces both physical evidence and oral histories, the ancestors of the Zuni, Hopi, Tanoan, and Keresan peoples have lived in the Four Corners area for at least 2000 years.

Cushing's study traces the specific constructural methods that accompanied the peoples as they moved from these homes on elevated locations onto the southern plains of Halona. He writes:

Not only did a trail (used for such long ages that I have found it brokenly traceable for hundreds of miles) lead down from the cliff-town country to this broad valley of the Lake of Salt, but also there have been found in nearly all the cliff dwellings of the Mancos and San Juan section, whence this trails descends, salt in the characteristic kernels and colors found in this same source of the Zuni supply.

This study of the footpaths which remain from the migrations of peoples from the Four Corners area to the southern locations documents the significance of the Salt Lake. As peoples moved from their ancestral homes to the communities in which they reside to this day, they were influenced by the Salt Lake. They continued to use this lake as a source of salt, moving their villages closer to it in order to shorten the duration and difficulty of the journey. Thus, the Puebloans of today inherited their sacred pilgrimage for salt from their ancestors; of additional magnitude is the fact that their present communities of homes were constructed upon the trails to this lake.

Cushing describes the linguistic evidence that strengthens the validity of the preceding assertions. He explains that in the archaic language of the A:shiwi, the word for the south is Álahoïnkwintáhna--meaning “in the direction of the home of the coral shells”: from álaho, glowing red shell-stuff; ïnkwïn, abiding place of; and táhna, point or direction of. This ancient word correlates to a time when the people lived in Mesoamerica where several species of subtropical mollusks were gathered directly south of their homeland. However, the more current and commonly used term is Mák'aiakwin táhna, meaning “direction of the salt containing lake”: from ma, salt; k 'yaía, lake; kwin, place of; táhna, point or direction of. This transition of terms, which designate the south, is of utmost importance because it refers directly to the migrations of peoples from middle America to the Four Corners region, and finally, to their current home at Halona, just north of the Salt Lake. This phraseology was inherited by the crucial significance of the Salt Lake to the A:shiwi; they established new homes upon the trails to the lake, in addition to changing the ancient and sacred expression for south.

The magnificent importance of the Salt Lake to many of the Puebloan people is evident in their sacred ceremonies and rites. Oral tradition maintains this cultural and ancestral knowledge for younger generations. This oral chronicle prepares the listeners with experiences of their predecessors. Those living are enlightened by the trials and lessons learned by generations past. It is a dynamic exchange.

Any discussion of the Salt Lake, which lacks this information would be incredibly incomplete. Within the oral recollection of Salt Woman are vital ethics of A:shiwi respect, prayer, individuality, and community. Instructions for comprehending time, direction, geography, and family are also inherent in Salt Woman's history. The following pages were created to disrupt a reader who is accustom to analytical documentation, which is standard to European and Euro-American texts. Hopefully, this unique writing style will illuminate a variant understanding of the migration of Salt Woman, not as a “tale,” but an oral history. This piece, originally recorded by Ruth Benedict, exemplifies the reason why the A:shiwi hold the Salt Lake in such high regard.

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Salt Woman lived at Black Rock Lake, when the people lived at Itiwana. The priest called for all the people to prepare for a journey to gather salt. They were to bake sweet corncakes and folded-paper bread. They dressed well--in reverence of their journey--by wearing black cloaks about their shoulders. The men took fawn-skinned bags to fill with salt. The girls and boys went anticipating sweethearts.

Salt Woman watched the group approach and feared that they would disrespect her. She said, “This is your first time. I will see how you treat me.” The people were careful (only a few urinated). The men filled their fawn-skin bags with salt. They all took off their moccasins and swam.

The group prepared to return to Itiwana. On the way home they sang the dance-songs and danced with pleasure. Just before sunset they arrived at Itiwana. They laid buckskins on the floor and emptied the salt upon these. They placed with it a perfect ear of corn, spread a black blanket over it, and put many beads upon it. They lifted prayer meal to their lips and inhaled, then sprinkled it over the salt. They prayed:

"Salt Mother we are glad you have come to this house. We are glad of your flesh. Increase and come many times more."

The people used the salt freely. They remarked that this salt was so easy to gather because it was so near. Soon their supply was gone. They needed more.

The priest made a proclamation that on the fourth day the people should go again for salt. Thus, the women ground for the lunches, made sweet corncakes and paper bread. The people went again to the Salt Woman, gathered salt, swam, sang, and danced. They respected her, and did not ease themselves or soil her.

As the time before, after returning to their home, they poured the salt upon the buckskin, placed a perfect ear of corn and beads nearby, and prayed for the future blessing of the salt. The people used the salt freely. Soon their supply was gone. They needed more.

For the third time the priest called the people together to journey to Salt Woman. This time they were careless; they spat and urinated. When they returned home they wasted the salt. The Salt Mother was disrespected and hurt.

To the east and south of the lake where the Salt woman resided lived Turquoise man. The bow priest made a proclamation that it was time to gather turquoise. The men did not appreciate the beauty of the turquoise; they treated it as if it were common and abundant. Turquoise man felt as Salt Mother did.

Salt Woman went to Turquoise Man. She said,

“These people come and waste our flesh. If we go far away, they will value us.” They agreed that it was not good to be there.

When the people again needed salt, the priest announced that they would journey on the fourth day. The women made the sweet corncakes and paper bread; they dressed themselves fine and went again to gather salt.

Salt Mother did not give of herself freely. Instead she stayed inside her house, and the people could gather only a tiny bit of salt. The people did not understand. They thought that maybe it was too hot--that the salt had melted. So they returned home.

When the people had left, Salt Woman put on her white feather. She came out from the lake and met Turquoise Man. In his hand he had brought prayer meal to carry. They walked, and in their steps nothing grew ever again. They went to Eagle Rocks. Here, Salt Woman placed her white feather in the ground, and Turquoise Man sprinkled prayer meal upon it. They walked on and the feather turned into a rock cropping, which came out from the earth.

The pair walked to the south, turned and came to the west. They had come to the home of the Tenatsali Youths where they were invited in. The Tenatsali inquired of their visit. Turquoise Man and Salt Woman replied,

“We were living at Black Rock and the people did not value our flesh. We are going farther away, then the people will have difficulty finding us.”

They requested prayer meal and tenatsali sticks with which to pray. They were given a bundle of tenatsali. Salt Mother said:

“I shall take this to my house, and it will be valuable.”

She thanked them and went on. Salt Mother and Turquoise Man went to the south, and came finally upon Salt Lake. Here she said:

“This is where I want to be. I shall stop here and go in. Go to the East and make your home there.”

Turquoise Man traveled to the country beyond Santo Domingo. He stayed there two nights, leaving his outer clothes behind. Again he moved on, but it is unknown where he stopped.

In a few days the people had used their salt. The priest declared that the people should prepare, for on the fourth day they would gather salt. When the people came to the site of the place where the lake had been, Salt Mother was not there. It was only a damp place. They could see where she had gone because the grass along her path was brushed with salt. They did not sing. They did not dance. They were worried--where would they find salt?

They dipped their hands into the mud, and tasted their salty fingers. They did not want to go home. Salt Woman had left her dress behind; they took that and went home. They were sad. When they returned to the village, the people were waiting to hear the songs of celebration. The village priest met them and said:

“We have not had a good time. Salt Woman has gone and the grass is brushed with salt along the way that she has taken.”

Then he said to the priests of the council:

“We shall meet in our ceremonial room.”

The priests talked of the Salt Woman.

“We were careless with her flesh. When they went after her flesh, the people played nearby. We wasted it as if it were common.”

They council decided to send two of their best runners, and two priests would follow with prayersticks. They added the feathers, but did not tie on duck feathers. They went to the east to Black Rock Lake. There they followed her tracks. They came to the rock feather, and knew that it was new, and that she had made it.

They followed her tracks all the way to Tenatsali Place. They stopped at Kamaka because they were tired. They ate the sweet corncakes and drank tcukinawe. They drank at the spring. Where the spring was, they saw a rock like a house, and they saw her tracks leading into it. The priest went in, and there were two little boys in that room. They were kind. They asked:

“How have you lived these days? We are glad to see you here. It is hard to come all the way from Itiwana. What are you coming to ask for?”

The priest explained that their Salt Mother had left her home at Black Rock because the people were careless with her flesh. Now they were following her tracks--searching for her.

The Tenatsali explained that, indeed, she had been to their home and moved on to the south, a distance that is reachable in one day.

The priest thought and then said:

“My sons, I am going to ask you a question. I should like to know if you know anything valuable?”

And they were glad to speak.

“We shall be glad to tell you. Salt Woman stopped here, at this house, so that you should follow her and learn what we know. We are the ones who make the clouds and the rain and bring the kachinas from Kachina Village to Itiwana. We make your thoughts. If you take our flesh and keep it in a covered jar in an empty room and keep it away from common people, it will help you. No one must touch us unless he is sick or in need.”

They continued to the priests:

“Go back home and make prayer sticks for us. Do not use turkey feathers. Use eagle feathers or bluejay feathers for our sticks. We have been wishing everyday that you might come here--that we might tell you. Salt Woman has shown you the way and now it has happened as we wished. Plant prayersticks in every direction from your home and we shall be glad to help you. We will be here, but we shall do all deeds for you.”

The priest was happy and silent, but for a few words:

“Thank you, my boys.”

Before the visitors departed, tenatsali sticks were given to the priests. Then the Tenatsali Youths explained that because of them, the Salt Woman had come that way, thereafter leading the priests to their home. Also, the priests had known in their ceremonial room not to send two runners alone, but that these devout ones should also go. The priests understood and responded that they needed [the flesh] of the Tenatsali Youths. The priests would come again.

Instructed by the Youths in the future to come by the straight path, not as they did this time, and to bring other priests, the visitors said:

“We shall do this. Live happily a long time.”

The priests and runners went on to the south and east. They saw the great Salt Lake--afraid to approach because they had been unkind to her. Here the runners remained, while the priests moved to the shores of the Lake; they took off their moccasins and waded in. The salt cut their feet, but they were nearing the Salt Mother. The priests could not bear the pain, so they ran out to sit where they had begun. Again they tried to enter the lake. They came close to the Salt Woman's house, almost to the door--but their feet were bleeding--the pain was too much. They retreated to the shore once again. For a third time these priests went into the water, and the salt tore their feet so deeply that they had to run back. This time, they rubbed clay over their feet:

“oouuuuouuuu!”

they cried.

This fourth time they entered her house. She was dressed in a white embroidered blanket and had a white feather in her hair; (now when the sun shines, her feather stands up straight. When the rains are near, this feather is heavy and makes the clouds come.) Salt Woman was glad to see the people. She said:

“What is it that you want to ask? Why have you come this long way?”

The priests replied:

“Dear One, we are looking for you. We have had a difficult time finding you. She returned: “Yes, it was too easy for you to take my flesh... to be careless... and spit... and ease yourself upon me. I do not want these boys and girls to stomp and run on me. You are wiser. Why did you think that young people knew better than you? When I was at Black Rock lake and the winds blew form the west, I could smell odor of humans. Therefore, I came here. After today, only older ones should come for my flesh, and with them bring prayersticks.”

The priests said:

“Here are your prayersticks. We have brought them.” These [which they had received from the Tenatsali] they gave to the Salt Woman, but there was no reversed duck feather. She gave thanks and said, “There is no reversed duck feather. You are initiated men; you should have put the reversed feather on the prayersticks you made. These feathers look as if you were giving them to a dead person. I am not dead. I am living always. When you go home, tell the other people that if they come for salt, all those who are initiated should always add the reversed feather on their prayersticks. If young children do come without this reversed feather, I will know it is because they are not yet initiated.”

She told them:

“You shall take a littl e salt with you. When you get near Itiwana, call out for your fathers' sisters to come to wash your bodies. They shall give you a present. You shall give them salt in return. If others wish to come, they may come also for my flesh. Their fathers' sisters should wash them the first time, but when they come a second time these aunts will not wash them. You will value me now that I am far away.”

The priests came out with their fawn-skin bags full of salt. Just before they began home, Salt Woman said:

“Do not go around by the way you came. You can go straight to Itiwana. The road is there.”

They started and could not find the road. They went over mountains and precipices. It took four days. Their food was gone. They killed butterflies to eat. This fourth day as they climbed a mountain they saw Itiwana. They burned a pile of wood to signal their return. The village people saw this, and thought the Diné were coming, and were frightened. The people who had gone to find Salt Woman had now been gone for eight days. At about noon they came in past Sand Hill and called,

“We are coming in. When we get to Halona our fathers' sister shall come to wash our bodies before we have anything to eat. They shall bring us a present.”

Their aunts ran to their nephews' houses to be ready. They came in. every one was watching. The travelers' hands and faces were covered with the Salt Lake clay. They entered their houses, spread the buckskins, and poured the salt from their fawn-skins. The perfect ear of corn was laid with it, covered with a blanket, and beads were laid beside it. Prayer meal was scattered. They prayed:

Salt Mother we are glad you have come to this house, we are glad of your flesh. Increase and come many times again.

These aunts broke up soap-weed root and made suds to wash their nephews' hair. They said:

“You are our child. We are washing your hair who have been coming from Salt Lake so many days.” They brought in bowls of grain to give to their nephews and they washed their whole bodies. These aunts filled up the bowls with salt and all of the aunts took them home.

That is why Salt is brought in this fashion.

---

By reading this brief synopsis of the A:shiwi story of the Salt Woman, one might find the integral importance of her presence. Due to her, the people were introduced to the Tenatsali Youth: those who create the thoughts of the people, bring rain, and bring forth the kachinas. Cushing also details the importance of the Tenatsali in that they are the keepers of time and direction. The debut appearance of the Tenatsali is also of utmost value since they had never before been part of the A:shiwi cognition. They provide the A:shiwi with a method of healing, which they had never before known. Through this experience with the Salt Woman, the people learn to respect what seems abundant: [in this case] the salt. This respect may be applied not only to the salt, but to all natural gifts and phenomena of Halona. This is a reminder to the people of the threat that what they so enjoy and find common might one day be gone.

Through this story, the A:shiwi also learn a proper way to pray and prepare prayersticks--that is, with or without the reversed duck feather at specific rites. They also learn of the source of their Kachina ceremony. These are sacred services of the A:shiwi, the Hopi, and the other Puebloan peoples. These ceremonies are used to interpret the spiritual world of the Puebloan peoples. Young men or women assume a mask and attire to impersonate spirits of people, animals, plants, and phenomena. However, strict designations exist in these ceremonies. Some kachinas are traditional, handed down between clan members, and revered and held with utmost respect. These hold power. Their appearance is always preceded by a period of fasting or prayer, and thereafter recognized in a special dance. Often it occurs only once per year, dependent upon the importance or sacredness of this kachina. Others are more commonplace or allowed to be created by individuals. In the A:shiwi tradition, the Salt Woman belongs to the former group; her name is Malokatsiki.

In the Hopi tradition, kachinas represent a similar function in society. Various figures in society or upon the earth are impersonated. Sometimes deities are impersonated, always excluding the most holy; the Salt Woman is one of the latter. The Hopi call her Öng Wu-uti; she is benevolent and has the power to predict the seasons. The Hopi use the salt of the Salt Woman, procuring it by trade from the A:shiwi.

Another western Puebloan group, the Acoma, cannot hold certain summer dances without this salt from the Salt Woman. In addition to the use of this salt by the Puebloan people, it is also of utmost importance to the Diné, who use it to bless the first tear and smile of a newborn. Compared with the A:shiwi, the Salt Woman is also detailed in the emergence myth of the Diné.

The preceding pages amply identify the ceremonial and historical significance of the Salt Lake. To the A:shiwi, Hopi, Acoma, and Diné peoples, the Salt Lake represents an integral and sacred piece of their history and current life. However, in 1988 the Salt River Project (SRP), a Phoenix-based utility company began proceedings to procure the necessary permits to mine coal 12 miles north of the Salt Lake. This project was titled the “Fence Lake Mine,” and began a long process of environmental analysis, community meetings, and legal battles. Flyers and newsletters were sent to approximately 800 addresses initially in order to alert the public. These explained the SRP intent to drill 80 million tons of coal out of BLM lands. In addition to this mine, a 44-mile railroad corridor would be constructed to transport the coal to the generating station in St. Johns, Arizona. Area residents of the New Mexico communities of Quemado, Reserve, Fence Lake, Albuquerque, and Zuni, as well as St. Johns, Arizona were invited to voice or submit written responses to the U.S. Department of the Interior as they prepared to draft an environmental impact statement.

Acoma, Hopi, Zuni, and Ramah Navajo communities submitted concerns and protests to the destruction of this historical location. They were opposed to the ancient migration being cut through, and the potential of the Salt Lake being drained. Roger Anyon, the directory of the Zuni Heritage and Historic Preservation Office, explained the importance of the Salt Lake to the spiritual and cultural lives of the A:shiwi. Petuuche Gilbert, the land coordinator of the Acoma tribe spoke out against the disruption of over 600 archeological sites that would be disturbed. Cicilia Ensrude representative of the Ramah Navajo Chapter also openly opposed the destruction of these locations. In 1999 the All Indian Pueblo Council of New Mexico call for a halt to the proposed mine. Additionally, the Hopi Tribe's Land Team Chairperson Lenora Lewis declared, We understand the significance of the Salt Lake not only to our Zuni brothers and sisters, but to the Hopi people as well. We are equally aware that once a cultural property has been destroyed, it can never be recovered or replaced. This, in itself, can have a devastating and long lasting effect on the tribe.

Not only did these Native American communities voice their opposition, but so too did historical and biological centers. Jan V. Biella, deputy historic-preservation officer for the state of New Mexico requested that the lake and trails be listed under the National Historic Preservation Act. She noted the great importance of this area as the “Neutral Zone” in which all the above-mentioned peoples abandoned differences in order to gather salt. This custom was even extended to the Spanish, Mexican, and American settlers as they moved into the Salt Lake region.

In response to this reasoning, the Salt River Project's Senior Engineer stated: “We don't really think that a concern...The tribes' position that archaeological site not be disturbed isn't practical...They feel the need to express feelings and state positions, but as long as we have addressed the regulations and the laws...we will continue to develop our mine.

The SRP commissioned hydrologists to research the possible effects of the coalmine. The subsequent findings concluded that the effects to the Salt Lake as well as the surrounding air quality and land formations would be insignificant or negligible . Thereafter, United States Bureau of Indian Affairs contracted independently with New Mexico State hydrology professor Phil King to prepare yet another study of the area. King determined that the Salt Lake was in danger, and that the test wells used by the prior studies of the Salt River Project were in locations that would not produce accurate results.

As of today's date, the mine has received necessary permits from Catron and Cibola counties, the state of New Mexico, and the United States Secretary of Interior Gale Norton. The most influential of these parties, Norton, believes that no basis exists “...that would cause reconsideration of that recommendation.” Even so, the Zuni Pueblo has made yet another appeal to the Office of Surface Mining.

In the preceding pages, the extensive history of the Salt Lake has been outlined in hopes that a reader might grasp an understanding of the meaning and importance of this area. Since a time immemorial this lake has existed; many peoples have used and respected it. Now it is in potential danger. If this paper provides an insufficient conceptualization, I encourage any and every reader and cosmopolitan to re-read the works that are referenced in the bibliography in order that a more lucid conclusion be possible.

Selected Bibliography

Associate Press. (AP). “Zuni Pueblo Appeals Strip-Mine Ruling.” Albuquerque Journal. 29 Aug. 2001: B1.
---.“Fence Lake Mine Gains Support.” Albuquerque Journal. 4 Nov. 2001: B1.

Benedict, Ruth. Zuni Mythology. 2 vols. New York: Columbia University Press, 1935.

Bunzel, Ruth. Zuni Ceremonialism. Ed. with Intro. by Nancy Parezo. Universtiy of New Mexico Press ed. Albuquerque: UNM Press, 1992.

Colton, Harold. Hopi Kachina Dolls. Revised ed. Albuquerque: UNM Press, 1959.
Cushing, Frank. Notes. The Song of the Ancient People. By Edna Proctor. Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1892.

“Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths.” United States. Bureau of Ethnology. Annual Report; 13. Washington: Gov't. Printing Office, 1896.

The Mythic World of the Zuni. Barton Wright, ed. Albuquerque: UNM Press, 1988.

“Hopi in Support of Sacred Zuni Salt Lake.”Northern Arizona University Issues Page. 11 May 1999. 24 Aug. 2001

Kimball, Rene. “Salt of the Earth.” Nativenet. 22 Mar. 1994. Online Posting. Native American source sight. 24 Aug. 2001

Mahkee Jr., Wells. Managing Editor of the Shiwi Messenger. Personal emails: Nov. 1, 12, 2001.

McMurty, Larry. “Zuni Tunes.” Rev. of Zuni and the American Imagination, by Eliza McFreely. The New York Review. Vol. XLVIII.13 (Midsummer Issue 2001): 56-58.

Neary, Ben. “Sacred land under siege - Zuni Salt Lake.” Santa Fe New Mexican. 7 Jan. 2001: A1.

---. “Mine could affect Zuni Salt Lake." The Daily Camera 5 Feb. 2001. 24 Aug. 2001

---. “Zunis ask regulators to reject mine permit.” The Santa Fe New Mexican 23 June 2001.

24 Aug. 2001 New Mexico Dept. of Minerals and Mining Page. 6 Sept. 2001 “2000 Activity List Fence Lake No. 1.”

” Norell, Brenda. “Coal mine threatens sacred Zuni Salt Lake.” Indian Country Today 28 June 2000.

24 Aug. 2001 Proctor, Edna. The Song of the Ancient People. Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1892.

O'Kane, Walter. Sun in the Sky. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1950.

Owens, Glenda. Acting Director, Office of Surface Mining, United States Department of the Interior. Official letter of correspondence. 28 Sept. 2001.

Robinson, Sherry. “More than mine vs. brine.” Albuquerque Tribune Online 23 July 2001. 6 Sept. 2001

“Salt Lake Survey Poll.” Shiwi Messenger 5 Oct. 2001, 2+.

Sando, Joe. Pueblo Nations. Santa Fe: Clear Light Publishers,1992.

Shellhorn, Auggie D. “Fence Lake can jump-start western New Mexico.” Albuquerque Journal 1 Nov. 2001, Business Outlook: 3.

United States Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement; State of New Mexico Mining and Minerals Division, U.S. Buriau of Land Management, and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Proposed Mining Plan and Permit Application, Fence Lake Mine, Catron and Cibola Counties, New Mexico and Apache County, Arizona. Draft Supplement Environmental Impact Statement. 2 vols. 1990, 1995. Final Supplement Environmental Impact Statement. 1996.

Wheelwright, Mary. Transcriber for Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art in Santa Fe. ---.Begay, Genshin. Recitation of an oral history published in Emergence Myth I. According to the Hanelthnayhe or Upward-reaching Rite. Vol. 3. Boston: Merrymount Press.

---. Yuinth-nezi of the Tachini clan. Recitation of an oral history published in: The Myth and Prayers of the Great Star Chant. Vol. 4.Gluckstadt, Germany: J. J. Augustin,1956.

Wright, Barton. Kachinas of the Zuni. Flagstaff: Northland Press, 1985.